Remarks by Ambassador Dai Bing at the UN Security Council Open Debate on the Working Methods of the Security Council |
2024-03-11 21:50 |
Mr. President, China wishes to thank Ms. Karin Landgren and Ambassador Yamazaki Kazuyuki for their briefings. We also thank non-Council members for their interest and active participation in today’s meeting. Working methods speak to our way of thinking. The Council's working methods reflect how we perceive and address the most thorny issues in the current international landscape. They derive from distinct national policy, positions, and political considerations, and are not mere technicalities. Facing a volatile and challenging world, the Council’s working methods must keep abreast of the times and demonstrate efficiency, effectiveness, and transparency to assist Council members in fulfilling their responsibilities entrusted by the UN Charter. In light of some of the most salient issues on the Council's agenda recently, I wish to propose the following. First, solidarity and cooperation. The Council is the most important international collective security mechanism. This means that Council members have a special responsibility for promoting international peace and security. Guided by the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, they must respect one another, consult with one another on an equal footing, and make their best effort to accommodate each other’s legitimate concerns. They must help the Council do what it is supposed to do constructively and jointly maintain the Council's credibility and authority. When it comes to promoting political settlement of hotspot issues and diffusing disputes through dialogue and negotiations, Council members should strive to speak with one voice. Representing all UN member states, the Council must heed the prevalent calls of the international community and act in line with the overwhelming consensus of the broader membership. Second, a more rational agenda. Currently, the Council has dozens of standing items on its agenda. They must be our priorities, so we can come up with feasible and practical solutions to bring about positive developments on the ground. We support the Council in giving priority to the wishes and priorities of the host countries and regional organizations in light of the latest developments to explore a way to adjust the reporting, consideration, and mandate cycles of the existing topics. This will ensure a more rational allocation of resources for better efficiency. We support the Council in balancing open meetings and closed consultations to show transparency and ensure candid communication. We are not in favor of thematic issues taking up too much of our resources and object to duplication of efforts between the Council and other UN agencies. On authorizing sanctions, it is advisable to take a case-by-case approach. Sanctions are a special instrument entrusted to the Council by the Charter. They aim to create favorable conditions for political settlement and must not become a replacement for diplomatic efforts. We must approach sanctions with a sense of prudence and responsibility at all times, and adjust or lift sanctions as things change on the ground. Sanctions against countries such as Sudan, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic, and sanctions under Resolution 1988 are obsolete and must be lifted in due course. Sanctions with respect to countries in dire situations such as Haiti must be implemented with greater vigor to ensure they have the impact we want. Third, improving penholdership arrangements. For a long time, a small group of permanent members have monopolized penholdership on most agenda items. Some penholders even at times place their own national will above that of the whole Council during drafting and consultations, giving rise to much controversy. Through our concerted efforts, the Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Questions adopted last year the first presidential note on penholdership, in answer to the call of most of the elected members of the Council and the broader UN membership. It is our consistent belief that penholdership is a responsibility, not a privilege. Penholders should uphold objectivity and impartiality, take on board the inputs from all parties, and work to forge consensus rather than pursue double standards or political manipulation. We propose further rationalizing and standardizing penholdership arrangements in line with existing practices to provide guidance so that more states can take on penholdership and do it properly. We hope to see more non-permanent members in the seat of penholders. African members in particular should be able to serve as penholders on African files. Fourth, to bring into play the important role of the IWG. We look forward to the regular review by the IWG Chair, so as to make timely recommendations on how to improve and enhance the Council’s work. With regard to the annual open debate on working methods, we suggest more predictability by convening it in the same month every year to draw more attention from Member States. The legitimate concerns shared by the broader UN membership on the Council’s work at the open debate need to be taken seriously and addressed properly. We acknowledge Japan’s effort to prioritize the updated Note 507 in this year’s work. We are ready to work with all members on making the note a better reflection of and guidance to the Council’s practice. Fifth, with regard to veto. The original intent of the veto is to urge Council members, especially major powers, to coordinate fully among themselves and fulfill their duties more effectively. In practice, the use of veto varies from case to case. In most cases, however, it is closely linked to the lack of coordination among major powers and the bloc-based division among Council members, the root cause of which lies still in the Council’s unfair and unreasonable composition and structure. To tackle this issue at its root, we must push for changes at three levels. First, to increase the representation and voice of developing countries and smaller countries at the Council to make its composition more balanced, its decisions fairer and more just, and to minimize bloc confrontation. Second, to constantly improve the Council’s working methods. This means breaking down the long-standing monopoly of a small group of countries serving as penholders on hotspot issues. This also means stepping up coordination and dialogue among Council members and between the Council and the countries concerned, regional organizations, and other stakeholders. Third, the P5 should abandon the Cold War mentality, look beyond narrow geopolitical considerations, take the lead in strengthening solidarity and coordination, and actively forge consensus to enable the Council to better respond to global security challenges. Mr. President, Improving the Council's working methods is an unending journey. China will, as always, fulfill its responsibility as a permanent member in earnest and work with all parties to deliver consensus on the working method, starting with oneself and with attention to the details. In this process, we will also keep reviewing our experience and broadening our horizon, so our working methods can better adapt to the dynamics on the ground and put the Council in a better position to maintain international peace and security. Thank you, Mr. President. |